By Professor Tommy Koh: Asean and the UN: Natural partners

The United Nations (UN) and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are natural partners. This is reflected in the charters of both organisations. In the case of the United Nations, Article 52 of its charter makes references to the role of regional arrangements or agencies in the maintenance of international peace and security. As for Asean, Article 2 (2) (j) of its charter commits Asean and its members to uphold the UN charter.

HISTORY

Asean’s relations with the UN began in the early 1970s through the UN Development Programme (UNDP), the development arm of the world body. The UNDP sponsored a two-year study to assist Asean in conceptualising its economic cooperation activities. As Asean began to make enormous progress in its economic development and rose to become a significant player in the international system, the relationship was transformed. The UN was no longer represented by the UNDP but by its Secretary-General.

SUMMITS AND  MINISTERIAL MEETINGS

The first ASEAN-UN Summit was held in 2000 in Bangkok, laying the foundaton for a growing network of stronger linkages and diverse areas of cooperation in the years to come. The second summit was held in 2005 at the UN’s headquarters, in New York. It was attended by the UN Secretary-General and the heads of the various UN bodies. In 2007, a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Asean and the UN was signed in New York, establishing a partnership for cooperation in many fields. The third ASEAN-UN Summit held in Hanoi, Vietnam, in 2010. At the meeting the leaders reaffirmed their commitments to working more closely in addressing issues of common concern such as the global financial crisis, climate change and disaster management. Asean-UN cooperation was reinforced at their fourth summit in 2011 in Bali, during which the leaders adopted the Joint Declaration of the Comprehensive Partnership between ASEAN and the UN. Areas of cooperation include maintaining and promoting regional peace, security, and prosperity. Subsequent years saw summits being held in Brunei (2013), Naypyitaw in Myanmar (2014) and Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia in 2015. The eighth summit was held in 2016 in Vientiane, Laos. At that meeting the Leaders approved a Plan of Action for the period 2016 to 2020 to implement the comprehensive partnership. Implementation of the plan is well underway, especially following the institutionalisation of the Secretariat-to-Secretariat mechanism in 2017. In addition to the summits, there is an annual meeting between the ASEAN Foreign Ministers, the President of the UN General Assembly and the UN Secretary-General during the High-Level Week in New York. This annual meeting is both substantive and symbolic. It reflects the close partnership between ASEAN and the UN as well as the high comfort level among their leaders.

OBSERVER STATUS AT THE UN

In 2006, the UN granted Observer Status to ASEAN. In keeping with Asean’s frugal and pragmatic culture, the regional grouping has chosen not to have a permanent observer mission to the UN. However, the ASEAN New York Committee (ANYC), which comprises the 10 ASEAN missions to the UN, plays an active role in New York. It meets regularly to discuss issues of common concern, deliver joint statements and engage with its external partners. Under Singapore’s ANYC Chairmanship in 2018, Asean engaged with the leadership of the UN as well as with external partners such as the United States and Russia.

A HELPING HAND IN ADVERSITY

A friendship is tested in times of adversity. In 2004, the Indian Ocean Tsunami brought death and destruction to Indonesia, Thailand and, to a lesser extent, Malaysia and Myanmar. The UN Secretary-General sprang into action and mobilised the resources of the UN system and the international community to help the affected countries. It was a shining example of cooperation between ASEAN and the UN. In 2008, Myanmar was hit by a killer cyclone called Nargis. It killed 140,000 people, destroyed 700,000 homes and devastated the padi fields of the productive Irrawaddy Delta. Myanmar faced a major humanitarian crisis. At first, the Myanmar Government was unwilling to open its doors to foreign assistance, fearing that certain Western governments would take advantage of the crisis to interfere and change its regime. ASEAN assured Myanmar that this would not happen. In the end, Myanmar agreed to accept international assistance, under the framework of the ASEAN-Myanmar-UN Tripartite Core Group. The cooperation between ASEAN and the UN in helping Myanmar to recover from the destruction of Cyclone Nargis, is a success story.

UN PEACEKEEPING

One of the UN’s most important contributions to international peace is the role of UN Observers and Peacekeepers. The blue beret worn by soldiers and police officers serving under the UN flag, is a symbol of peace. Over the years, ASEAN members have contributed 4,500 personnel to various UN peacekeeping and observer missions. The UN has established peacekeeping training centres in six ASEAN countries. All 10 ASEAN countries have supported Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ new Action for Peacekeeping initiative.

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

The UN’S 2030 Agenda consists of 17 goals to promote sustainable development. These goals acknowledge that plans to promote economic growth must also address social needs such as education and health as well as the need to protect the environment for future generations. ASEAN supports the UN’s 2030 Agenda which complements the ASEAN Vision 2025. The commonality is the imperative to embrace sustainable development and to save the world from a looming environmental crisis. Thailand, as the next ASEAN Chair, has chosen “Advancing Partnership for Sustainability” as the theme of its Chairmanship in 2019.

PREAH VIHEAR TEMPLE

I want to refer to a case of a threat to international peace and the cooperation between ASEAN and the Security Council in defusing it. Fighting between Cambodia and Thailand, along their border in the vicinity of the Preah Vihear Temple, had occurred between 2008 and 2011. When negotiations failed and the fighting continued, Cambodia brought the case to the attention of the UN Security Council. The then Chairman of ASEAN, Indonesia, spoke to the council on what ASEAN, in general, and Indonesia, in particular, had been doing to stop the fighting and to bring the two parties back to the negotiating table. In the end, the Security Council decided to outsource the problem to ASEAN. Peace was finally restored when Cambodia asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to interpret its 1962 judgement, awarding sovereignty over the temple, to Cambodia. The ICJ is incidentally, the judicial arm of the UN system.

ASEAN-UN RESOLUTION

Since 2003, the UN membership adopts by consensus a biennial resolution welcoming cooperation between the UN and ASEAN. In addition, a one-off resolution commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of ASEAN was adopted by the General Assembly in 2017, the first of its type. These resolutions have been co-sponsored by a large number of countries, which show the wide support that ASEAN enjoys at the UN. On 11 April 2018, an important meeting was held in Jakarta, between the 10 ASEAN Permanent Representatives, called the Committee of Permanent Representatives to ASEAN or CPR, and the United Nations. The UN was represented by Assistant Secretary-General, Miroslav Jenca.

MUTUALLY REINFORCING TIES

The Chairman of CPR, Ambassador Tan Hung Seng of Singapore, said that ASEAN and the UN are both committed to upholding the fundamental principles of sovereign equality, respect for international law and a rules-based international and regional order. Ambassador Jenca agreed and emphasized the importance of multilateral institutions like the UN to ASEAN. Singapore’s Permanent Representative to the UN and the current Chair of the ASEAN New York Committee, Ambassdor Burhan Gafoor, noted that the relationship between ASEAN and the UN is a mutually reinforcing one. The UN provides the multilateral rules-based framework that allows regional organisations like ASEAN to function effectively. At the same time, ASEAN contributes to global peace and security by strengthening habits of cooperation and respect for international law at the regional level. In conclusion, I wish to quote the words of the Foreign Minister of Singapore, Dr Vivian Balakrishnan. Speaking to the UN General Assembly this year, Dr Balakrishnan said: “Our work in ASEAN is rooted in our belief that regional organisations can demonstrate how multilateralism continues to be relevant and beneficial for people all over the world”.

Fourth Industrial Revolution and Singapore

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PROGRAMME:
6.50pm: All to be seated in Tembusu College Multi-purpose Hall
7.00pm: Introduction of Tembusu Forum by Associate Professor Gregory Clancey, Master of Tembusu College
7.05pm: Introduction of topic and speakers by Professor Tommy Koh, Rector of Tembusu College
7.15pm: Speaker 1 – Professor Ho Teck Hua
7.30pm: Speaker 2 – Mr Lim Kok Kiang
7.45pm: Speaker 3 – Mr Tan Kok Yam
8.00pm: Speaker 4 – Professor Daniel Hastings
8.15pm: Question & Answer session with students
8.45pm: Concluding remarks by speakers and Chair
9.00pm: End of forum
BIOGRAPHY OF SPEAKERS

Professor Daniel Hastings is the CEO and Director of the Singapore-MIT Alliance for Research and Technology (SMART). He spearheads the SMART Centre’s mission. The mission is to undertake world-class research on specific problems of societal significance to Singapore and of interest of MIT.

Professor Hastings earned a PhD and SM, from MIT in Aeronautics and Astronautics in 1980 and 1978 respectively, and received a BA in Mathematics from Oxford University in England in 1976. He joined the MIT faculty in 1985. With over 30 years of experience in academia, Professor Hastings was MIT’s Dean of Undergraduate Education from 2006 to 2013, head of the MIT Technology and Policy Program and director of the MIT Engineering Systems Division.

Professor Hastings is a Fellow of the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (AIAA), the International Astronautical Federation (IAF) and the International Council on Systems Engineering (INCOSE) as well as a member of the US National Academy of Engineering. He has published over 120 papers, written a book on spacecraft environment interactions and won 5 best papers awards. His recent research is focused on Complex Aerospace System Design. His previous work was on spacecraft environment interactions and space propulsion.

For the forum, Professor Hastings will be talking about the developments in low cost sensors for data acquisition and the implications for more effective decision making in Singapore, as well as the impact of advanced precision manufacturing.

Professor Ho Teck Hua is the senior deputy president and provost of the National University of Singapore (NUS). He is also the Tan Chin Tuan Centennial Professor at NUS.

Professor Ho is a prominent behavioural scientist with a PhD in decision sciences from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. He also has a bachelor’s degree in electrical engineering with first class honours, a master’s degree in computer and information sciences from NUS, and a master’s degree in decision sciences from the Wharton School.

In 2011, he took a part-time appointment at NUS as vice president (research strategy), and became director of the NUS Centre for Behavioural Economics. In 2015, he became deputy president (research and technology) at NUS. In Singapore, he is a board member of the National University Health System, a member of the board of directors of the National Environment Agency, a fellow at the Civil Service College, and chair of a research advisory panel for the Land Transport Authority. He is also the executive chairman of AI Singapore, a national research and development programme, and chairman of the Singapore Data Science Consortium.

Prior to his role as deputy president, Professor Ho was the William Halford Jr Family Professor of Marketing at the University of California, Berkeley’s Haas School of Business. He was also the director of the Asia Business Center and served as the Haas School’s associate dean of academic affairs and the chair of the Marketing Group. In 1999, he earned tenure in the marketing department at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. Prior to that, he was assistant professor of operations and technology management at the UCLA Anderson School of Management.

Professor Ho has published many significant works in refereed journals in the areas of behavioural economics, management science, and marketing. In 2014, a co-authored paper won the second place Wickham Skinner Best Paper Award from Production and Operations Management. He has also been a finalist for three of the most prestigious awards in marketing research, including the 2011 William F O’Dell Award, the 2006 John DC Little Best Paper Award, and the 2005 Paul Green Best Paper Award.

He was the first non-US citizen to be editor-in-chief of Management Science, the venerable flagship journal of the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences, and one of the top journals for research in management. He has also been an associate editor for the Journal of Marketing Research, Marketing Science, and a co-editor for Foundations and Trends in Marketing.

Professor Ho has consulted and taught for many large companies, including Autodesk, eBay, Google, Intel, and Johnson & Johnson, among others. He is one of the most sought after experts on strategic pricing strategy and behavioural change.

At the Haas School of Business, he received the 2015 Williamson Award, the School’s highest faculty award, named in honour of Oliver Williamson, the recipient of the 2009 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences. The award celebrates honourees who best reflect the character and integrity associated with Williamson’s scholarly work and legacy. He was awarded the prestigious Berkeley Distinguished Teaching Award in 2010, and the Earl F Cheit Award for Excellence in Teaching in 2004, 2005, and 2006.

For the forum, Professor Ho’s topic is titled “The Digital Revolution: Promises and Challenges”, and he will talk about dream applications for artificial intelligence and data science in the labour and healthcare markets.

Mr Lim Kok Kiang is the Assistant Managing Director of the Singapore Economic Development Board (EDB). He oversees EDB’s industry clusters including Cities, Infrastructure & Industrial Solutions, Clean Technology, Energy & Chemicals, Electronics, Precision Engineering, Supplier Development and Transport Engineering. Prior to this, Kok Kiang held the posts of Executive Director, Transport Engineering and Asia Pacific. As Executive Director, Transport Engineering, he oversaw EDB’s operations in facilitating the development and growth of Singapore’s Aerospace, Marine, Land Transport and Oil & Gas industries. As Executive Director of Asia Pacific, he oversaw EDB’s Asia Pacific operations which encompass facilitating investments from China, Taiwan, Japan and Korea. Kok Kiang previously held positions as Director of Logistics, and Regional Director, Japan Operations. He joined EDB in 1996. He received a Bachelor of Economics from Tokyo University in 1993.

For the forum, Mr Lim is going to talk on the Fourth Industrial Revolution and its impact on the manufacturing sector.

Mr Tan Kok Yam is the Deputy Secretary of the Smart Nation and Digital Government Office (SNDGO), in the Prime Minister’s Office. In this role, he is responsible for the plans to realise impactful projects for Smart Nation, raise quality and inter-operability of Government IT and Smart systems, grow ICT-related capabilities for Government, and engage citizens and businesses to be part of the Smart Nation journey. Mr Tan is also a Deputy Secretary in Strategy Group and oversees issues related to data, technology and climate change.

Prior to his current post, Mr Tan served in a number of other Ministries within the Singapore Public Service. As the Director of Manpower in the Ministry of Defence, he was in charge of both the human resource and national service policies of the Singapore Armed Forces. He also served previously in the Ministry of National Development and the Ministry of Education, dealing with public housing and higher education policies respectively.

Mr Tan is an engineer by training, having graduated from the University College London in 1997 with a Bachelor in Electrical and Electronic Engineering and a Master of Science in Telecommunications. He also completed the 1-year Sloan Program at the Stanford Graduate School of Business as a Fulbright Scholar.

For the forum, Mr Tan will touch on how Singapore is progressing towards the twin goals of being a smart city and smart nation and whether Singapore would be a net winner or loser of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.


You can find the writeup on the Forum here: Singapore in the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

By Professor Tommy Koh: Asean and China: Past, present, future

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established in 1949. The Association of South-east Asian Nations (Asean) was created in 1967. From 1967 to 1978, relations between the PRC and Asean were difficult. During that period, the PRC sought to export communism to the Asean member states by supporting local communist insurgencies. Beijing also appealed to the ethnic Chinese population in Asean to support the PRC. Two Chinese leaders, Deng Xiaoping and Zhu Rongji, brought about a fundamental change to the relationship, moving it from night to day and from sour to sweet.

Changes under Deng and Zhu

In 1978, Mr Deng visited three countries in Asean – Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore. As a result of what he heard from the leaders of these countries, he stopped supporting the communist insurgencies, stopped the hostile radio broadcasts and stopped appealing to the ethnic Chinese population. For 30 years, from 1978 to 2008, China pursued a policy of good neighbourliness towards Asean. Gradually, trust replaced mistrust and the relationship steadily improved. Mr Zhu Rongji was the premier of China from 1998 to 2003. He was a brilliant man and a strategic thinker. He wanted to bring Asean and China closer to each other by linking their economies. In 2000, he offered Asean a free trade agreement. Asean accepted his offer in 2001. He also offered Asean an early harvest, meaning that even before the conclusion of the FTA, some Asean exports were given tariff-free access to the Chinese market. The conclusion of the Asean-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) has transformed the character of the relationship between Asean and China.

Nature of current relationship

China became a dialogue partner of Asean in 1991. In 2003, the relationship was elevated to a “strategic partnership”. China appointed an Ambassador to Asean in 2012. The current relationship is both broad and deep. The two sides enjoy many points of convergence and a few points of divergence. I will proceed to review the different sectors in which the two sides cooperate to their mutual benefit.

Economic Cooperation

The economic relationship is very impressive. China is Asean’s top trading partner and Asean is China’s No. 3 trading partner. Asean is China’s top foreign investor and China is Asean’s No. 3 foreign investor. The two-way trade in 2017 was US$441.6 billion (S$607 billion). China accounts for 17 per cent of Asean’s external trade. To enhance economic cooperation, China has hosted, since 2004, an annual China-Asean Expo in Nanning. In 2015, Premier Li Keqiang and the 10 Asean Leaders signed a protocol to upgrade the Asean-China FTA. Asean, China and five other dialogue partners are currently seeking to conclude the 16-party Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. Cooperation has expanded into many new areas. This year, we successfully concluded the Asean-China Year of Innovation. There is demand in Asean for innovative technology, and China has many high-tech solutions.

Political and Security Cooperation

Asean and China share the objective to promote peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific. They seek to build a regional order which is transparent, inclusive and rules-based. China’s leaders have consistently expressed support for the central role which Asean plays in the regional architecture. Asean and China cooperate in various forums, including, Asean + China, the Asean Regional Forum, Asean + Three (China, Japan and Republic of Korea), the East Asia Summit and the Asean Defence Ministers Meeting Plus. In October last year, Asean and China carried out, for the first time, a joint maritime exercise. The exercise took place in Singapore and in China. The exercise in Zhangjiang, China, involved all 11 countries (the Asean 10 and China) as well as more than 1,000 military personnel. It was successful and a positive contribution to confidence building.

People-to-People Cooperation

The good relations between Asean and China must rest on three pillars: government, business and the people. Tourism is booming between Asean and China. In 2016, close to 20 million Chinese visited the Asean countries and over 10 million Asean nationals visited China. A joint statement between Asean and China on tourism cooperation was adopted by Asean and China last year. Air links between the two sides are growing. At present, there are nearly 50,000 flights per week between 37 cities in Asean and 52 cities in China. The exchange of students is also expanding. It is estimated that there are about 200,000 students from the two sides studying at each other’s universities.

AIIB and BRI

Asean has been a dependable friend of China. Let me cite two examples. In 2013, China proposed setting up the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). It was intended to be a multilateral development bank, focusing on the building of infrastructure in the Asia-Pacific region. The AIIB has 87 members and began operation in 2015. All 10 Asean members are founding members of AIIB. In late 2013, President Xi Jinping launched a new initiative called the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The initiative is now known as the Belt and Road Initiative or BRI. The concept is to rebuild China’s ancient connections to the West, by land and sea. The initiative has been described as one of the largest infrastructure and investment projects in history, involving 68 countries, including 65 per cent of the world’s population and 40 per cent of the global GDP. Asean has supported the BRI from the onset. However, Asean would like the BRI to complement and not supplant the Master Plan on Asean Connectivity 2025.

South China Sea

Asean and China have both convergent and divergent views on the South China Sea. Asean holds the view that the South China Sea is a vital sea line of communications of the world. It is, therefore, a global commons and cannot be appropriated by any state. Asean is also of the view that the South China Sea is governed by international law, including the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. All the claimant states and the user states should act strictly in accordance with the law. Asean holds the position that disputes relating to the South China Sea must be settled peacefully, in accordance with international law. If negotiations fail, the parties to a dispute should be willing to refer their cases to a binding dispute settlement procedure, such as, conciliation, arbitration or adjudication. China is a claimant state. Four of the Asean members – Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – are also claimant states. Asean is not a claimant state and does not take sides regarding the merit of the various claims. But it is a stakeholder. It has a stake in peace in the region, in the freedom of navigation and overflight and in upholding the rule of law. In 2002, China signed the Declaration of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. In 2011, the two sides adopted the guidelines for the implementation of the declaration. In 2016, the foreign ministers of the two sides adopted a joint statement to ensure the full and effective implementation of the declaration. In 2017, Asean and China announced the commencement of the negotiations of the Code of Conduct in South China Sea. This year, the two sides arrived at a single negotiating text, which would be the basis of further negotiations. Given goodwill on all sides, it should be possible to make further progress towards resolving outstanding issues of its geographical scope, whether the code will be legally binding and whether to include dispute settlement.

Evolving ties

The relationship between Asean and China has gone through three historical phases. It has transitioned from hostility to amity to uncertainty. Why uncertain? Because China is now a rich and powerful country. The question is whether such a China will continue to pursue a policy of good neighbourliness towards Asean and its member states. I am optimistic. I believe that it is in China’s national interest to have good relations with Asean and with its neighbours in South-east Asia.

Tribute to Prof. John Richardson

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Tembusu College expresses its heartfelt sympathy to our friends at Cinnamon College for the loss of their founding Master, Prof. John Richardson. John was a friend and close colleague of mine, first during the four years we worked together in the FASS Dean’s Office, and later when we became the first Masters of, respectively Cinnamon and Tembusu colleges. Tembusu actually began in an office in the “Old Administrative Building” (now demolished) which then housed the USP Programme, and which John graciously loaned to us during our planning year of 2010. In 2011, John and I walked together across the bridge over the AYE, along with students from our two colleges, to joyously open UTown.

John was a passionate advocate for his programme, and his college. The two colleges were friendly rivals in those first few years, but John and I always respected one another, and cooperated to keep things steady. Once, when a dispute between student leaders at the two colleges threatened to get out of hand, John and I arranged to very publically have dinner together in the middle of the our shared dining hall to cool tensions and demonstrate our friendship. I like to think the current good and easy relations between Cinnamon and Tembusu were forged through such mutual efforts in our early years.

John was tough-minded, but also self-deprecating, reflective, and possessed of a sense of humor. He did his best at every task, and for that reason was given many responsibilities over the course of his career at NUS. It is no exaggeration to say that John gave his life to this university. His passing was a shock, and came too early. But I’m truly glad to have known and worked with John Richardson, and will cherish his memory.

Gregory Clancey, Master, Tembusu College

By Professor Tommy Koh: Deng Xiaoping and Singapore

Deng Xiaoping had visited Singapore twice in his lifetime. In 1920, Deng was 16 years’ old. He was one of the 84 students from Sichuan province going to France to participate in a work cum study programme. His ship, Lebon, stopped over in Singapore for two days. Deng was shocked by the way the British rulers had treated the local people.

The second time he visited Singapore was 58 years later. He was the paramount leader of China but wore the modest titles of vice-chairman of the Communist Party, vice-Premier and vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission.

In November 1978, Deng visited Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore. The purpose of his trip was to mobilise the support of the three countries to join China in opposing the Soviet Union and Vietnam.

Deng was in Singapore from Nov 12-14. He and the Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, had not met before. When Lee visited China in 1976, Deng had been dismissed from power by Mao for the second time and was not in Beijing. Lee had received Deng graciously at the airport and had escorted him to the Istana Villa, the State Guest House.

On Nov 12, the two delegations met. Lee invited Deng to speak first. He spoke for 2½ hours outlining China’s position. He warned that, with the support of the Soviet Union, Vietnam was preparing to invade Cambodia.

The next day , Lee responded to Deng’s presentation. He spoke for only half an hour. Lee said that China wanted the ASEAN countries to unite with China to isolate the “Russian bear” but our neighbours wanted us to unite with them to isolate the “Chinese dragon”. Why did they fear China? They feared China because China supported the communist insurgencies in Southeast Asia, appealed to the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia to help the motherland and made radio broadcasts from Southern China denouncing the regional governments. Two years later, Deng stopped all such practices.

THE DENG-LEE FRIENDSHIP

Although Deng and Lee met for only three days in 1978, the meeting led to a special relationship between the two great men. They admired and respected each other. They established a relationship of mutual trust.

Deng did not visit Singapore again after 1978. However, Lee met Deng again, in China, in 1980, 1985 and 1988.

Deng trusted Lee. He knew that Lee visited Taiwan frequently and was close to President Chiang Ching-Kuo and to the leaders of the United States. On several occasions, Deng had requested Lee to pass on messages to Chiang and to American leaders.

Lee decided that it was in Singapore’s national interest to support Deng’s policy of reform and opening the Chinese economy to the world. As a result, the Singapore government and private sector have been helping China for the past 40 years. Lee also encouraged the Americans and other world leaders to engage China and help China integrate into the global community.

China remembers both its friends and enemies. Lee Kuan Yew was regarded as a friend of China. At the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games, Lee, George H W Bush, Henry Kissinger and a few others were invited to the opening ceremony as “old friends of China”. Because of Lee, Singapore enjoys goodwill and respect in China.

TWO ECONOMIC MIRACLES

In the past 40 years, both China and Singapore have enjoyed an economic miracle. In 1978, China’s per capita income was US$229. Today, it is US$8,836. In 1978, China accounted for only 2 per cent of the world economy. Today, it accounts for 15 per ent and is the second largest economy in the world, after the US.

In 1978, Singapore’s per capita income was US$2,187. Today it is US$55,235. Since 20103, Singapore has become China’s largest foreign investor.

It would not be wrong to say that the two countries have prospered together in the past 40 years. The close relationship between China and Singapore is enjoyed by the two governments and the two peoples. The relationship has become multi-faceted and multi-layered.

BUILDING ON DENG-LEE LEGACY

China and Singapore have sought to build on the legacy bequeathed by Deng and Lee in many ways. Let us review some of the more important ways in which the two countries have cooperated for their mutual benefit.

China is the only country with which the Singapore government has entered into major development projects. The first project was the Suzhou Industrial Park. It had two objectives. First, to revitalise this ancient and beautiful city. Second, to build a new city next to the old city. The new city would be a model city, providing jobs, social amenities and public services in a clean and green environment. The objective of the project was not to make money but to transfer Singapore’s software to China.

The success of the Suzhou Industrial Park encouraged the two governments to embark on the second project. The second project was to turn a piece of waste and polluted land in Tianjin into an environmentally sustainable city. Today, the Tianjin Eco-City is a vibrant city of more than 80,000 residents. The project has just celebrated its tenth anniversary. Like Suzhou, Tianjin is a path-breaking project.

The third iconic project is the Chongqing Connectivity Initiative (CCI). China asked Singapore to help develop the Western Region of China. Rather than developing another infrastructure project, we proposed to focus on connectivity. It is still early days, but the initiative has got off to a good start. In particular, the Southern Transport Corridor under the CCI has established a more efficient and direct cargo route between Western China and Singapore, thereby establishing a substantive link between the land-based Silk Road’s Economic Belt to the Maritime Silk Road.

SHARING SINGAPORE’S SECRETS

In 1992, Deng was facing considerable opposition to his policies from the conservative leaders of the party. He decided to rally support in the most unusual way. On the pretext of taking a family vacation, he and his family travelled by train to Wuhan, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Shanghai. Everywhere he went, he was met with great enthusiasm. It was clear to the party leaders in Beijing that Deng’s policies enjoyed broad support. Subsequently, Deng scored a major victory at the politburo meeting in Beijing in March 1992. The conservatives were defeated.

When in Shenzhen, Deng said that China should learn from Singapore because, “society in Singapore is quite orderly. They managed things very strictly. We ought to use their experience as a model. And we ought to manage things even better than they do.”

Following Deng’s exhortation, hundreds of delegations from China have visited Singapore. They wanted to study every aspect of Singapore’s development. Singapore has responded generously. We have since welcomed tens of thousands of Chinese mayors and other officials to attend customised courses in Singapore.

IS SINGAPORE STILL RELEVANT

I co-chair the annual dialogue with China called the China-Singapore Forum. At one of our meetings, a Chinese scholar asked two provocative questions. First, since China has made so much progress, is Singapore still relevant to China? Second, are there areas in which China can still learn from Singapore?

In my reply, I said that the nature of our relationship has changed. China has made so much progress that, in some areas, China is ahead of Singapore. I said that the new spirit of our relationship is mutual learning or what the Chinese call, “huxiang jiejian” . However, some of Singapore’s experiences may still be relevant to China. I would suggest the following: combating corruption, maintaining social harmony among various segments of society, the rule of law, good governance, food safety, clean environment and sustainable development.

I am an admirer of both Deng Xiaoping and Lee Kuan Yew. I believe that they had changed the course of history of their two countries. In Nov 2010, when I was the Chairman of the National Heritage Board, I invited Mr Lee and the then Vice-President of China, Mr Xi Jinping, to unveil a marker and bust of Deng, under the programme, Visitors To Our Shores.

The marker and bust are located by the side of the Singapore River, in front of the Asian Civilizations Museum. Chinese Vice-Premier Han Zheng visited the site recently to offer flowers as a mark of respect. On Nov 12., on the occasion of the 40th Anniversary of Deng’s historic visit to Singapore, I will go to the marker to pay my respect to this great Chinese leader and friend of Singapore.